BACK TO TABLES OF
CONTENTS VOLUMES 1-8 (1993-2000)
ASSOCIATION
FOR CANADIAN JEWISH STUDIES HOMEPAGE
INTRODUCTION
TO CANADIAN JEWISH STUDIES/ÉTUDES JUIVES CANADIENNES SPECIAL ISSUE VOLS.
4-5 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON CANADA, THE HOLOCAUST AND SURVIVORS. Edited by Paula J. Draper and Richard Menkis
Paula J. Draper and Richard Menkis
THE HOLOCAUST,
SURVIVORS AND CANADA: INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
Prior to the 1983 publication of Irving
Abella and Harold Troper’s None is Too
Many, little thought was given to any role Canada might have played in the
Nazi genocide of the Jews. As outlined in Morton Weinfeld’s article in the
present volume, although there were a handful of studies that examined the
reception of Holocaust survivors, scholars were slow to address the impact that
their arrival had on the Canadian Jewish community. Troper and Abella’s volume
marked a watershed in the self-perception of Canadian Jewry, sparking heated
debate about both government policies vis-à-vis the Jews, and the place of Jews in Canadian society. As a result of that
volume, scholars began to focus on the wide range of issues raised by the
Holocaust in a Canadian context, and many of these central themes for Canadian
Jewry are pulled together in this special issue of Canadian Jewish Studies/Études juives canadiennes.
The responses to None is Too Many also led to a sense of commonality between
survivors and Canadian-born Jews, a shared sense of purpose that had been only
rarely experienced before. Canadian Jews had received their first personal
exposure to the victims of genocide from pre-war refugees from Nazi oppression.
The last group to squeeze into this country before the full onslaught of the
Holocaust were Austrian, German and Italian Jews who had been shipped from the
U.K. in 1940, incarcerated in internment camps, and slowly released into homes,
schools, farms and factories. Their encounter with the existing Jewish
community was hardly smooth. Some refugees did not seem “green” enough, and
they both puzzled and angered the local Jewish community, as Mordecai Richler
has mordantly recounted in The Street:
I think we had conjured up a
picture of the refugees as penurious hassidim with packs on their backs. We
were eager to be helpful, our gestures were large, but in return we expected more
than a little gratitude. As it turned out, the refugees ...were far more
sophisticated and better educated than we were... they found our culture thin,
the city provincial, and the Jews narrow....So for a while we real Canadians
were hostile.[1]
As
Weinfeld points out, these “real Canadians” were in fact much closer to their
European roots than were the American Jews discussed below by William
Helmreich. So, while Canadian Jews found it difficult to relate to the western
European Jewish refugees, it did seem likely that the bonds would be strong
with the predominantly eastern European survivors who began to arrive in 1948.
Yet, as Paula Draper and Frank Bialystok demonstrate, the larger Jewish
communities did not easily absorb this group.
To
some extent, the reasons can be traced to the perceptions of Jews as victims,
images which were forged by the media preceding and during WW II. In his study
of the English language media during the last year of the War, David Goutor
demonstrates that coverage of the Holocaust was coloured by a number of
factors. War news, casualties, fears of another Depression, and the upcoming
summer 1945 election understandably captured the attention of the Canadian
public. Yet there was no lack of voyeuristic interest in “Hun Hell Camps” and
“Nazi Torture Chambers.” Certainly, Goutor argues, the antisemitism of the
times played a role in the camouflaging of the Jewish identity of the majority
of the victims and the relegation of “atrocity” stories to the back pages. He
indicates that detailed information about the nature and mechanisms of the
Holocaust were available to the media, and on occasion, were presented to the
public. But the sensationalist reportage led to a “climate of disbelief “and
delegated serious coverage to the Jewish Press.
The
lasting effects are covered in the other articles in this volume. For
Canadians, the Holocaust became a Jewish issue, and for Canadian Jews,
survivors were objectified as the “human skeletons” they had read about in the
media. The media had depersonalized survivors, and the sensationalistic
coverage of the opening of the Camps led to misconceptions that those alive at
the end of the War were products of some kind of Darwinian selection process.
As Mike Rosenberg describes in Draper’s article, “there was a wrong perception,
out there, that you only survived because you did something. That you did not
survive miraculously.” This coloured the reception of the survivors, and was
one of reasons for delays in their integration into the greater Jewish polity.
The
circuitous road towards integration began at Liberation, which Draper
illustrates as a time of both trauma and rebirth. The wild teenagers, the black
marketeering that supported many in the DP camps, the torture and tattoos—these
were the images Canadians saw as survivors trickled into the country. Survivors
saw opportunity, struggled to make it without benefit of the education most had
desired, and set their sights on the future. No one wanted to really hear their
stories, so they kept them to themselves. Jean Gerber describes their reception
in Vancouver, and how the smaller community absorbed them socially, politically
and culturally in ways that seemed impossible in Toronto and Montreal. Yet, as
Robbie Waisman related of his early years in Calgary, the smaller communities
may have been more welcoming but were just as resistant to listening. Survivors
wore their survival on the inside of their sleeves well into the 1960s.
Both
Gerber and Draper do illustrate that in both the smaller and larger communities
it was the entrepreneurial spirit of the survivors that served as a conduit
into community. Gerber looks at the settlement patterns in Vancouver, where
socialization was much more successful than in the cities with large Jewish
communities. Instead of creating their own institutions, survivors in Vancouver
were integrated into the existing synagogues and organizations. By the 1970s
there was no way to distinguish—at least economically or geographically—between
survivors and other Canadian Jews.
These
two articles and the Waisman testimony all highlight the singular experience of
the Orphans who were brought over in groups as wards of the Canadian Jewish
Congress. Although Gerber uses the language—–and subterfuge—–of the time and
calls them children, few were young of age (the cut off was eighteen, although
a number of older survivors managed to circumvent the age restriction), and
none were youthful. They stand apart in a myriad of ways. Many did have the
chance to complete their education, lose their accents and disappear into the
general community. Unlike those just a few years older, a significant number of
this group married Canadian-born Jews. But they still did not feel that they
could share their experiences, until the long-repressed weight of memory pushed
to the surface. Waisman had been advised to forget his past and he says that
even though he became president of the Saskatoon Jewish community, they were
shocked when he revealed that he had survived the Camps.
Waisman’s
testimony highlights the bittersweet essence of survival. As he mentions in his
memoir, and Draper discusses in her article, not all made the “successful
lives” that Helmreich describes in his book. There were mental breakdowns, lost
souls, individuals too old or too damaged to begin again. They are not the
authors of postwar memoirs or recorders of testimony. But they must be
remembered, and are included in our discussions here. The pieces by Draper,
Gerber, Waisman, Helmreich and Weinfeld thus point to new questions for
researchers interested in the experiences of survivors. What were the
differences between those who submerged themselves in becoming Canadian, as
opposed to those who relived the war daily in their extended survivor families?
What was the relationship between integration and healing? What were the
factors that forced up repressed memories?
In
this volume, we certainly see some answers to the last question. In the early
1960s, with an apparent surge in neo-Nazi activity in Canada, the Dutch camp
survivor Mike Englishman decided to make matters into his own hands. He
infiltrated neo-Nazi meetings, protested their activities in public
demonstrations and confronted the Jewish establishment about its methods of
fighting antisemitism. The focal point for confrontation, especially for the
survivors in Toronto, was a rally of neo-Nazis in Allan Gardens in 1963.
Englishman describes his memories of those days, and Frank Bialystok provides a
many-sided narrative of the events and an analysis of the consequences. His
article highlights the schisms and lack of mutual understanding in the
community. As Survivors became more vocal, they voiced their frustration with
the methods of the established community, especially the Canadian Jewish
Congress, and they let out a hostility that had been resting artificially
dormant for too long. The events constituted an important step in the evolution
of the survivors’ own identities from ‘newcomers’ and ‘greeners’ into
‘Survivors.’ Congress, for its part, was awakened to the concerns of the
survivors, and began a process of incorporation of survivors into the political
structure of the Canadian Jewish Community.
There
were other catalysts to the public performance of memory, factors that range
from the social and demographic—the age and financial security of the survivors
and their families, for example—to the patterns of global relations, such as
the Eichmann kidnapping and trial in Israel and the threat to Israel in 1967.[2]
Many of these issues remain to be explored in greater detail, especially for
Canada, and we encourage researchers to take up these issues. Some valuable
work on the search for Nazi war criminals residing in Canada has been done by
Harold Troper and Morton Weinfeld.[3]
Other factors have been mentioned if not developed in this volume. Holocaust
denial—that transformation and intensification of the classic antisemitic claim
of Jewish duplicity and manipulation of non-Jews—has been
all-too-well-represented in Canada by the activities of Ernst Zundel and James
Keegstra, as well as others. Mike Englishman and Robbie Waisman specifically
mention in their memoirs the role that Holocaust denial has played compelling
them to continue speaking out about the Holocaust. Ken McVay and his Nizkor
project, with its very high-profile internet presence, is another
Canadian-based endeavour spurred on to Holocaust commemoration by the
activities of deniers.
The
wish—or need—to speak out, for whatever reason, has led to a proliferation of
memoirs by survivors. Janice Rosen offers a useful guide to the various
repositories holding Holocaust memoirs and other testimonies of Canadian Jews.
Only recently have scholars begun to evaluate these texts. There can be little
doubt that these memoirs are potential mines of information and sentiment both
about the Holocaust and the experiences of survivors. But the caveats in using
these testimonies abound. The issues involved in analyzing Holocaust memoirs
are sensitively and elegantly discussed by Mervin Butovsky and Kurt Jonassohn.
They examine how language informs memory, and point to the need to encourage
the inclusion of post-war experiences in these memoirs. Some of the particular
pitfalls in the production of Holocaust memoirs are also discussed by Paula
Draper in her review of Mina Deutsch’s Mina’s
Story. To these comments we can add the wise words of a pioneer in the
study of ethnic groups in Canada, Robert Harney, whose views can profitably be
applied to all personal testimony, whether written or oral:
Oral testimony can elicit the
perceptions of personal and group history, of identity, and of response to
immigrant life which shape that invention and cause ethnic persistence. The
record of this gradual altering of identity and culture forms the interior
history of immigrant groups; it is ethnicity, and it is especially accessible
through interviewing.[4]
The
proliferation of Holocaust memoirs and testimonies, as well as the publication
of more and more books about the Holocaust, demonstrate an interest in the
topic that seems very far from the studied indifference of the Canadian press
discussed by Goutor. In this introduction, however, we have also pointed out
that there are many topics remaining to be analyzed. Others not discussed
include an analysis of the Yiddish press in Canada, both for the responses
during the War and for the social and cultural reception of survivors. Not much
is included in this volume on the ritual remembrances, nor on the cultural
representation of the Holocaust in Canadian art and literature. Unfortunately,
an extended bibliography on Holocaust-related Canadian Jewish literature in
English was not available in time for publication, and we could delay our
delayed publication no longer. We have little on the intergenerational
repercussions of the Holocaust, and nothing in here on the meanings of the
Holocaust for the postwar Sephardic community, which is now prominent in
Montreal, as well as in Toronto.
But
the articles presented below are a start. This special double issue is the
first time that Canadian Jewish Studies
has addressed a single theme. It is appropriate that the theme of the Holocaust
should “break the mould” that we had already established. The current volume
consists of research articles, primary source material (memoirs and testimonies)
that support and complement these research pieces, assessments of the
literature, guides to archival sources and reviews of some current books on our
theme. The editorial board of Canadian
Jewish Studies hopes to be able to compile further thematic volumes, and
thus fulfil our mandate of encouraging multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary
studies of the Canadian Jewish experience in other topics.
We
would like to thank the members of the Association for Canadian Jewish Studies
for their patience, the authors of the various pieces for their contributions,
and the sponsors of Canadian Jewish
Studies/Études juives canadiennes for their support. We dedicate this
volume to the memory of those who did not survive, and to those who were
fortunate enough to survive and had the courage to live their lives and tell
their stories.
[1]Mordecai
Richler, The Street (Washington,
1969), p. 61.
[2]For
preliminary discussion of these issues, see Irving Abella and Frank Bialystok,
“Canada,” in The World Reacts to the
Holocaust, ed. David S. Wyman (Baltimore and London, 1996), pp. 749-781.
[3]Harold
Troper and Morton Weinfeld, Old Wounds:
Jews, Ukrainians and the Hunt for Nazi War Criminals in Canada (Toronto,
London and New York, 1988).
[4]Robert
F. Harney, Oral Testimony and Ethnic
Studies(Toronto, 1978), p. 1.
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TABLES OF CONTENTS VOLUMES 1-8 (1993-2000)
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FOR CANADIAN JEWISH STUDIES HOMEPAGE